May 1, 2007 | Volume 4, Issue 1
Emotions in Education: Toward an Integrative Understanding of Affect and Cognition in Learning
A Research Note
This article reviews the history of research into cognitive processes of learning and how affect and emotion may factor into the process. It also discusses the current state of emotion research in learning and education research.
Abstract
Emotions factor into practically every part of a persons activities and interactions. Learning is a process that involves cognition and social interactions. However, with a few exceptions, the impact of emotions on learning has been largely neglected as a field of systematic investigation.1 This article reviews the history of research into cognitive processes of learning and how affect and emotion may factor into the process. It also discusses the current state of emotion research in learning and education research. Finally, several directions for future research that integrate cognitive and affective processes into a better understanding of emotion and learning in both laboratory and field settings are discussed.
Introduction
Learning involves a complex interactive system including environmental, social, motivational, emotional, and cognitive factors. Often people view learning as a logical and systematic process through which students receive knowledge input, process that knowledge, and output the processed knowledge by means of assessment. With this assumption about learning, cognitive models of learning are an appropriate description of the learning process. Much investigation into the nature of the learning process has indeed focused on purely cognitive theories of learning that do not explicitly incorporate affect.2 Recently researchers have begun to focus on social, personal, and affective factors that may interact with cognitive models of learning.3 Affective and emotional factors impact motivational behavior, which can subsequently impact success in learning.4 Learning involves attaining a series of goals which can arouse anticipatory emotions. Anticipatory emotions can be a mediating factor in motivation and goal attainment.5 In addition, affective arousal can impact attention, perception of risk and cognitive processes, all of which can potentially affect learning processes, specifically through goal motivation.6 Due to the social and personal nature of learning, emotions are part of the educational experience. Students commonly feel shame associated with performance, fear of the social comparison from peers, guilt from low productivity, or anger from perceived injustice. In contrast, students also experience a myriad of positive emotions such as pride, joy or contentment. Therefore, the impact of the social and cultural environment on emotional response highlights the need for systematic investigation of emotional and affective influence on learning and education. While cognitive models of learning clearly show the processing mechanisms of learning, these processes do not exist in a vacuum free of emotional experience. Furthermore, it is becoming clearer that cognitive and affective processes are an interactive system that is essential for many aspects of social behavior.7 The remainder of this article reviews the past and current states of cognition and its relationship with emotions that are involved in educational psychology and learning, and suggests directions for future research into the nature of emotions in education and learning.
Review of Cognitive and Affective Processes in Education and Learning
During the 1950’s psychology emerged from a behaviorist paradigm and transitioned to cognitive models of behavior.8 During this period of “cognitive revolution,” new insights were discovered into the processing mechanisms of the mind and behavior. By incorporating cognitive theories, such as models of working memory and motivation, into models of learning, a deeper understanding of the complex processes that learning involves was attained. Learning is not simply the storage and output of aggregate knowledge, but rather the integration of knowledge into reasonable and ordered constructs.9 However, the role of emotion in cognitive processes was largely neglected during this period. Until recently, social psychologists were the only researchers that regularly studied the impact of emotions and affective states on behavior. However, it is clear that cognition and emotion have interactive processes at a behavioral and neural level.10 This interactive process of multilevel cognitive and affective interaction requires investigation of the impact of emotional states in areas dominated by cognitive theories such as learning. One area of study that is important learning is memory. How a person processes, encodes, and stores information in different emotional states may vary. The hippocampus, a region of the limbic system in the brain, is essential for declarative memory and encoding episodic information for memory.11 This becomes important due to the differential effectiveness of the hippocampus under increasing levels of emotional arousal and stress. Under high levels of stress, activation in the hippocampus decreases, affecting encoding and declarative and spatial memory.12 In contrast, the amygdala, another limbic structure, becomes more active under stress and enhances memory of emotionally relevant experiences and fear-conditioned memory.13 There are distinct cognitive processes for memory under varying levels of stress at a neuroanatomical level. This is supported by Bechara et al., showing distinct processing modules for emotional and declarative learning, through double-dissociation, in a study of patients with either amygdala or hippocampal damage.14 Thus, the data support the importance of emotional arousal in memory and learning at a neural level.
Because much of learning involves cognitive processes, these processes have often been the focus of research in educational psychology.15 Recently, research in learning and psychology in general have begun to transition to studying the impact of emotion on behavior. Given the neuroanatomical data, the inclusion of a person’s emotional state is an integral factor involved with the environmental, personal, and interpersonal situations in which learning occurs. Classroom learning is inherently a social and group interaction, which may be passive or active. Students are impacted by teachers, other students, their social environment, past personal experiences, and perceptions of cultural norms. Social cognitive theories of education allow for the inclusion of socially motivating factors, which often result in states of emotional arousal in the learning process. In addition, personal, social, and environmental influences can create a feedback loop that can influence a student’s self-regulated learning.16
Incidental and direct emotional states may occur independently or within the actual learning process, respectively. Incidental emotions are subjective experiences and not directly related to a person’s current situation, while direct emotions stem immediately from a person’s current situation. Incidental emotions have been shown to have a carryover effect into unrelated judgment and behavior.17 A student may experience incidental emotions from a multitude of sources that have no direct relation to the classroom situation. However, these emotional states carry over into the learning process and impact the learning environment, creating factors that can enhance or impede productive learning. In addition to emotions that are not related directly to the educational process at hand, the current learning experience can arouse emotions in students and teachers, thus altering the learning environment. This then creates a continual feedback loop of emotions impacting learning and learning arousing emotions. That is, emotions influence the learning process which may instigate the arousal of subsequent emotions, again affecting the learning process. For example, students enter the classroom with differing levels of anxiety or emotions stemming from stimuli such as previous social or family interactions. These emotions will then alter the learning experience. On the other hand, students may experience shame or pride as a result of experiences in the classroom such as test performance, thus arousing emotions that must be considered in subsequent learning environments. Therefore, influences of learning and emotions are bidirectional, and may continue in a cyclical manner.
The Role of Emotions in Learning
Because emotions serve a functional role, the function influences behavior in social situations such as learning. One functional area in which emotions may play a significant role is motivation. Motivation is an important component of learning.18 Students experiencing difficulties may view these difficulties as failures, which lead to greater levels of negative affect, lower motivation, and lower levels of performance.19 Other emotions have also been shown to impact motivation. Emotions can create a state of “action readiness” that may differ with respect to individual emotions, but could reasonably impact motivation.20 For example, anger has been shown to have carryover effects by focusing attention, changing one’s perception of risk, and altering the depth of processing.21 This model of cognitive and emotional interaction is known as cognitive appraisals of emotions.22 When people experience emotional states, affective and cognitive processing of these emotional states interact, creating a cognitive appraisal of the multiple dimensions of the emotion: pleasantness, control, focus of attention, certainty or risk level, anticipated effort, and responsibility.23 A simple interpretation of cognitive appraisals is that they function as an evaluative and interpretive mechanism to incorporate cognition into the understanding of emotional experiences. These cognitive appraisals can subsequently impact behavior in areas such as motivation. The understanding of the appraisal mechanisms that are used during learning is essential in gaining a thorough understanding of the factors involved with learning processes. Within the appraisal dimensions students continually make judgments of risk and responsibility, focus their attention on different educational attributes, and adjust their motivation according to many variables involved with learning. It is clear from the research in psychology that emotion is one of the many variables that may cause changes in these dimensions, therefore impacting the success of the learning process. This research on emotions has shown the pervasiveness of emotional states on judgment, decision making and behavior, and cannot be neglected in any integrated theory of learning. Emotions can impact students at multiple points in the learning process. The understanding of the effect of emotion can lead toward better theories of learning and how to apply those theories to improve the success of education.
Related Research in Education and Learning
One area that has been the subject of research related to emotions and learning is anxiety’s influence on learning and test-taking. Anxiety can inhibit productive cognitive processes by reducing availability of working memory, which can create difficulties in the learning process.24 Completing tasks and problems that are sequential often require temporarily storing information for future use. Working memory is a system of temporary storage and processing used for complex cognitive tasks.25 Working memory is limited, and therefore resources must be available for these cognitive tasks. Increased anxiety has been show to be negatively associated with proficiency tasks involving working memory. Ashcraft and Kirk (2001) showed that those that had high levels of math anxiety had lower performance on cognitive tasks, both mathematical and non-mathematical, that required working memory, showing that anxiety associated with one specific area can have effects on unrelated areas.26 Anxiety can also influence learning and the acquisition of knowledge, which then leads to lower performance.27 Therefore, anxiety not only directly impacts test performance, but classroom anxiety may limit the understanding of complex conceptual information presented to students by limiting the available working memory that is accessible to students. During experiences of anxiety students may not process essential information sufficiently at the initial periods of learning, leading to lower levels of conceptual understanding in the future. This can be detrimental in subjects such as mathematics and science that require the continual building of new conceptual understanding based on the comprehension of prior concepts. Therefore, anxiety can be a factor both in the process of learning and the dissemination of knowledge through learning assessment or testing. Anxiety has also been shown to lower levels of motivation in highly evaluative learning environments and to impact learning strategies.28 Students incorporate many different strategies that involve seeking supplementary instruction, practice, and personal reflection. Warr and Downing (2000) showed that anxiety was significantly negatively correlated with learning strategies involving rehearsal, active reflection, written help-seeking, practical application, emotional control, motivational control, and comprehension monitoring.29 Considering the aforementioned research, it is clear that emotions, and specifically anxiety, impact learning in many ways and at many points in the learning process. Anxiety affects motivation during the learning process, the assessment of learning, and the learning strategies that are employed by students. The cumulative effect of anxiety, given its pervasiveness, can ultimately be detrimental to a student’ overall learning. When considering the nature of the feedback process of emotion, cognition, and learning, emotions such as anxiety can continue to negatively impact a student throughout his or her academic career. Other emotions such as shame, anger, fear, guilt, and embarrassment likely impact a student in similar ways. While much of the previous research has used subjects predisposed to high anxiety, anxiety and other negative emotional states can be induced from other personal and social stimuli. However, the impact of other emotions on learning and behavior has not received as much attention as anxiety and cognitive processes. Other emotions occur as often as anxiety, and some may occur more often as incidental from previous experiences. Students may be awash in emotional states that occur concurrently with learning, interacting at every point in the learning process. Pekrun et al. (2002) revealed that emotions most often experienced in the classroom were enjoyment, hope, pride, relief, anger, boredom, and shame.30 However, studies into emotions other than anxiety are sparse.
Emotions and Stereotypes in Learning and Education
One promising line of research that may involve emotions, cognition, and education is stereotype threat. Stereotypes in education are abundant, including racial and gender-focused stereotypes, which can often lead to negative emotional experiences. Often stereotypical perceptions exist that lead people to engage in comparisons with others. Stereotypes of ability exist for racial groups, gender, and socio-economic status (SES). People often believe in the stereotypes that African Americans and people of low SES tend to be less intelligent and productive.31 The study of stereotypes has shown that priming stereotypes can actually lead to the affirmation of the stereotype, through lower performance by the relevant group. That is, people that were primed to think about stereotypes that were relevant to them through group and social identification performed worse on academic tests than those that were not primed. This process is labeled as stereotype threat.32 The priming of stereotypes that result in stereotype threat may function through arousing emotions such as anger, fear, and anxiety. Priming racial stereotypes has been shown to result in a fear of fulfilling the stereotype, leading to higher anxiety levels, distraction, cognitive burden, and self-consciousness,33 that in turn reduced working memory capacity and lowered actual test scores for African Americans, thus fulfilling the stereotype.34 Similar patterns have been shown for women in mathematics.35 The investigation into the emotional arousal from stereotype threat and its mediating role on performance and learning has not been thoroughly studied. However, emotion is likely an integral factor in the stereotype threat process.
The systematic investigation of the role of emotions in learning is essential to gain insight into the process and fully develop an all-encompassing method of education that integrates cognitive and affective theories of learning. Three general areas of study involving emotion are (1) the causes of specific emotional experiences during learning, (2) the effect of specific states of emotional arousal on learning, and (3) how to incorporate the understanding of the specific emotions and their effects into a successful education method. Investigating emotions and their effect can be accomplished both experimentally and through surveys or interviews. Empirical methods should continue to look at the effect of cognitive appraisals on behavior and learning. While it is understood that specific emotions accompany specific appraisals, research must show specifically how and when appraisals of emotion inhibit and enhance learning. Stereotype threat research can easily extend into the domain of emotions and their appraisals. It is clear that racial and gender stereotypes negatively impacts performance.36 However, the types of emotions that are experienced during stereotype threat are not well understood. These emotions could be experimentally manipulated through different types of stereotype primes. It is likely that stereotypes can elicit either shame or anger. Anger may be experienced in situations where another person is the cause of the stereotype, where shame will likely be caused by feeling some level of self-responsibility for the stereotype. Because shame and anger have different appraisal tendencies, their impact on learning will likely differ. For example, anger is know to have domains of high locus of control and increased levels of risk, while shame has lower locus of control and low levels of risk. People experiencing anger are likely to take risks in their learning, feeling that they are in control and can improve their success. Shameful people may feel less able to change their success and therefore they may not actively take chances with difficult areas of learning. A full understanding of this process will enable further research into ways of attenuating the effects of stereotype threat.
Another direction of research should be the study of the direct effects of teachers and peers on emotional arousal. Strong peer personalities may elicit some level of fear in those that are more reserved. Similarly those with strong personalities may experience feelings of pride. This is an interesting area due to the likelihood of experiencing these emotions from stimuli that are not dependent on ability or performance. These emotional experiences may have long-term effects on performance in a self-fulfilling manner. That is, people feeling pride due to personality may change learning behavior in beneficial ways. It is also possible that people experiencing incidental pride may become overconfident and risky, increasing the chance of failure. People experiencing fear may take fewer chances and miss educational opportunities from non-beneficial behavior. Studying this type of experience over time would lend insight to the temporal life cycle of emotions and learning processes.
Finally, it is essential research that methodologies include controlled experimental investigation along with surveys and in-classroom studies. It is possible to replicate some aspects of the classroom in the laboratory, but certain variables such as well-defined interpersonal and group relationships cannot be easily replicated. These pre-existing relationships are likely to play a significant role in the arousal and appraisal of emotions. Cognitive appraisals not only are a function of the affective domains but also environmental characteristics. How one evaluates similar emotional experiences in different contexts are likely to vary. Therefore, the integration of field and laboratory studies is essential for developing a generalizable and valid understanding of emotional impact on learning and education.
Conclusion
Emotions factor into almost every aspect of a person’s life. The pervasiveness of emotions and their effect on behavior is beginning to be understood. Learning and education is considered to be one of the most important endeavors of a successful society. To date, only a few studies exist that investigate emotion’s role in learning. With the exception of anxiety, the role other emotions are not well explored. However, it is clear that emotions alter and influence the learning environment, and above all the learning process itself. Learning takes place within an environment of social and group interaction. Outside influences also factor into emotions experienced in the classroom. With prevalence of emotions, cognitive models alone are insufficient to fully explain the processes of learning. Much recent research has begun to understand the interaction of cognition and emotion and there impact at both a behavioral and neural level. Education and psychology must continue a systematic investigation into the nature of emotional experiences and their effect on learning.
Educational psychology can gain much from the recent research methodologies of psychology, behavioral decision making, and affective neuroscience. There is currently a developing foundation of emotion research on which to initiate new lines of research into emotions and learning. Cognitive models of learning are well defined and models of cognitive appraisal are continually being researched and understood. The domain of education is a logical step to continue this research. In addition to pure scientific inquiry, the study of emotions in education has the potential for great impact through the applicability of the field. This impact can only be fully realized through an integrative approach of incorporating affect and cognition in learning.
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32 Claude Steele, “A Threat in the Air,” American Psychologist 52 (1997): 613–29.
Claude Steele and Joshua Aronson, “Stereotype Threat and the Intellectual Test Performance of African Americans,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 9 (1995): 797–811.
33 Joshua Aronson et al.,” When White Men Can’t do Math: Necessary and Sufficient Factors in Stereotype Threat,” Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 35 (1999): 29–46;
Joshua Aronson, Carrie Fried, and Catherine Good, “Reducing the Effects of Stereotype Threat on African American College Students by Shaping Theories of Intelligence,” Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 38 (2002): 113–25;
Steven Spencer, Claude Steele, and Diane Quinn, “Stereotype Threat and Women’s Math Performance,” Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 35 (1999): 4–28.
34 Toni Schmader and Michael Johns, “Converging Evidence That Stereotype Threat Reduces Working Memory Capacity”. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 85 (2003): 440–52.
35 Steven Spencer, Claude Steele, and Diane Quinn, “Stereotype Threat and Women’s Math Performance,” Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 35 (1999): 4–28.
36 Joshua Aronson, Carrie Fried, and Catherine Good, “Reducing the Effects of Stereotype Threat on African American College Students by Shaping Theories of Intelligence,” Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 38 (2002): 113–25;
Joshua Aronson et al., “When White Men Can’t do Math: Necessary and Sufficient Factors in Stereotype Threat,” Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 35 (1999): 29–46.
Steven Spencer, Claude Steele, and Diane Quinn, “Stereotype Threat and Women’s Math Performance,” Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 35 (1999): 4–28.
Claude Steele, “A Threat in the Air,” American Psychologist 52 (1997): 613–29.
Claude Steele and Joshua Aronson, “Stereotype Threat and the Intellectual Test Performance of African Americans,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 69 (1995): 797–811.